VOTER GUIDE: Final Legislator Scorecard & Freedom Index

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 15, 2016

Failed Status Quo Exemplified by Continued Deeply Negative Overall General Assembly Scores

However, real-time ratings led to more positive individual scores

Providence, RI — Loaded with information that may be useful to voters this fall, the RI Center for Freedom & Prosperity published today the final report for its annual Freedom Index and Legislator Scorecard, as part of its larger transparency initiative.

Led by Representative Patricia Morgan (R, West Warwick) and Senator Elaine Morgan (R, Exeter) only 11 of 113 lawmakers, on a scale of (-100) to +100, earned positive scores: 10 Republicans and one independent; with nine in the House and two in the Senate.

Overall, however, the General Assembly as a body scored a negative (-54.1), continuing its five-year trend deep in red numbers, meaning Rhode Islanders have less freedom than they did last year.

“It is a result of this failed status quo of increased government intervention in our personal and business lives that we believe is why the Ocean State ranks so poorly in so many national indexes,” commented Mike Stenhouse, CEO for the Center. “It is not acceptable that we rank 50th, with the worst business climate in the nation; 48th on the national Family Prosperity Index (FPI); and 47th on the Center’s Jobs & Opportunity Index (JOI). It’s up to voters to review this data and decide whether or not to hold lawmakers accountable for their voting records this November.”

On the home page, voters have access to a multitude of data and tools, including links to:

  • Legislator Scorecards for 2016 as well as for the prior 4 years
    Interactive data from 2012-2016 that can be filtered by a number of criteria including city/town, party, lawmaker, year, category, etc ..
  • 38 Studios Scorecard, released last month
  • “Walkers” Index, which tallied missed votes by lawmakers over the past 3 years, released in collaboration with

Among other findings:

  • The Exeter contingent of House and Senate lawmakers was the highest ranked in the state, while the Newport contingent ranked lowest
  • House Republicans were the only major party caucus to score in positive territory (+7), while Senate Democrats were the lowest scoring (-68.8)
  • Overall, Republicans moved significantly higher, while Democrats dropped lower, further widening the partisan gap

Also, as a result of its new 2016 policy to post online real-time bill ranking and lawmaker scores, the Center was successful in proactively influencing future votes as opposed to just a reactive scoring of past votes. This can be evidenced by the fact that a number of lawmakers who followed the Center’s recommendations scored in positive territory in 2016, after years of almost no lawmakers scoring above zero.

Later this month, again in collaboration with, the Center also plans to release its first-ever “Sheeple Index”, which rates how often lawmakers vote in lock-step with political leadership.


NEW “WALKERS” REPORT: How Many Votes Did Your Lawmaker Miss?

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 12, 2016
Legislative “Circus” Main Culprit in Missed General Assembly Votes

About one in eight lawmakers missed over 20% of votes; three over 40% in 2016

Calls for legislative action to limit votes in a single day or week

Providence, RI — The annual General Assembly ritual of an “all-night spasm of deal making and lawmaking” is the primary culprit as to why so many elected officials miss so many votes, according to Ken Block, the two-time gubernatorial candidate, who’s group teamed with the RI Center for Freedom & Prosperity to produce a report on missed votes since 2014.

Often referred to as “walkers”, thirty members of the 2016 General Assembly failed to adequately represent their constituencies by failing to cast votes on over 10% of all non resolution or solemnization bills.

However, both the Center and WatchdogRI point out that legitimate family, personal, and business emergencies, illnesses, or conflicts often play a role in preventing lawmakers from being able to attend some General Assembly sessions. When such conflicts coincide with the annual all-night circus of voting on hundreds of bills in a single all-night session, voters can begin to understand why so many of their senators and representatives miss so many votes, according to Block, who penned a Providence Sunday Journal opinion piece yesterday on the topic.

Nonetheless, the Center and WatchdogRI compiled a full report of the voting records of all incumbents over the past three years, which included an analysis of 615 votes in the House and 532 votes in the Senate for 2016.

In the House, the top 10 legislators with the most missed votes in 2016 were: Thomas Palangio, D-Providence, 536; John Carnevale, D-Providence, 356; Arthur Corvese, D-North Providence, 263; Jared Nunes, D-Coventry, 221; Joseph Trillo, R-Warwick, 209; John Lombardi, D-Providence, 202; Robert Jacquard, D-Cranston, 157; Edith Ajello, D-Providence, 142; Nicholas Mattiello D-Cranston, 126; and Dan Reilly, R-Portsmouth, 105.

For the 2016 Senate, the top 10 legislators with the most missed votes were: Frank Lombardi, D-Cranston, 138; Donna Nesselbush D-Pawtucket, 130; Edward O’Neill, R-Lincoln, 118; Frank Lombardo, D-Johnston, 115; Leonidas Raptakis, D-Coventry, 107; Nicholas Kettle, R-Coventry, 92; James Doyle, D-Pawtucket, 91; Elizabeth Crowley, D-Central Falls, 89; Joshua Miller D-Cranston, 77; and William Walaska, D-Warwick, 77.

Senator John Pagliarini R-Portsmouth, did not miss a single vote, joining 15 other senators who missed fewer than ten votes. Representatives Robert Phillips, D-Woonsocket, and Raymond Johnston, D-Pawtucket, each missed only one vote, joining 23 other representatives who missed fewer than 10 votes.

CALL TO ACTION: In response to pushback to Block’s oped by lawmakers who feel they may unfairly be listed on the ‘walker’ top-10 lists, both the Center and WatchdogRI challenge all lawmakers to go on record in support of reform to the cattle-call vote process that is the root cause. The oped suggests that the legislature should consider a daily or weekly bill-vote limit, with no floor votes occurring after a specified evening hour. Such reform would clearly enhance a more transparent and representative governmental process.

EXTENUATING CIRCUMSTANCES? There are at least four known instances where extenuating circumstances may have prevented individual lawmakers from taking votes. In the case of Representatives Palangio, Corvese, and Nunes as well as Senator Lombardi … a personal illness, a death in the family, a child-birth, and a pre-arranged family vacation respectively caused these elected-officials to miss all of the votes on the final “cattle-call” late-evening into early-morning of bill passages. In the spirit of fairness, responses from other lawmakers will be accepted at and will be posted and regularly updated at

To view a PDF of the full report, go to:




Farmland Acquisition in Rhode Island: Stealing the American Dream?

At the Rhode Island Department of Environmental Management’s (DEM’s) second of three workshops to publicly review new rules by which the state agency will buy and resell private farmland, the overwhelming majority of the audience had serious concerns about the state’s plan. A few farmers actually walked out in protest. The only apparent supporters were would-be farmers who would benefit from the plan — in typical RI political fashion, gaining off the backs of others.

While the goal of preserving state farmland may be noble, the means by which the DEM plans to accomplish it are anti-free-market and were exposed as not being well considered. According to one farmer who spoke out, the government’s land-grab scheme is anti-American. Paraphrasing his comments: “The government acquiring private farmland is like communism; the state is stealing the American Dream!”

He may be right. Did you know that this farmland acquisition plan is derived from Rhode Island’s own five-year strategic plan, called “A Vision for RI Agriculture”? Joseph Stalin’s five-year collective plans in the darkest days of the U.S.S.R. were an abject failure and economic disaster.

Another person from a local town council inquired: “What economic qualifications does the DEM have to venture into the business of buying and selling farmland and managing private citizen’s money?”

Distrust of DEM and of Government

Many others pointed out that the DEM itself historically has not been a friend of the small business and the farming community, and that government-run projects also have a history of failure and cost overruns. Farmers pointedly commented how the DEM and state government have made it so difficult for many parcels of land to be purchased and profitably farmed.

There are win-win free-market and other alternatives that will not intrude on private business and risk the financial security of current farmers in the Ocean State.

Years ago, the RI Center for Freedom & Prosperity warned Rhode Islanders that the RhodeMap RI scheme, in ways unforeseen at the time and still, would eventually infringe on the rights of property owners and on the sovereignty of local governments. With the establishment of new statewide mandates and the ceding of authority to unelected federal or regional bureaucrats, our long-cherished rights and local ways of government would be incrementally undermined and eroded. Further, we argued that related mandates would lead to adverse economic consequences.

Redistribution of Land

Once again, our warnings have materialized in the government’s attempt to “preserve” RI farmland.

One primary objection stems from the belief that it is not a proper role of government to determine how private property should be used, and that it is certainly not a legitimate role of government to become an owner and lessor of formerly private property. This type of centrally planned, one-size-fits-all governmental interference in the free-market system has a devastating track record and has historically led to unintended and adverse consequences from an economic and personal rights perspective. Just look today at the suffering in Venezuela and Brazil.

Socialism is defined as government control over the means of production. Buying and selling land that complies with a government-created comprehensive plan is exactly what these proposed rules contemplate. That the government further contemplates the leasing of land to private farmers — and, by the way, only to those who will do with it as the government wants — is a reminder of yet another failed and outdated economic system: European-style feudalism.

Regardless of the feel-good rationale and warm-and-fuzzy terms, why would anyone believe we can escape such historical lessons here in Rhode Island?

Make-Believe Economics

Another major objection stems from the stunning lack of economic analysis. At the meeting, dozens of farmers expressed a multitude of economically related concerns, from increased taxes, to reduced farmable acreage, to oppressive land restrictions, to reduced local municipal revenue, to legal expenses.

When the state’s Commerce Corporation weighed in, requiring this program to conform with local comprehensive plans, it was mandating compliance with the so-called “economic development plan” from 2014 called RhodeMap RI, which the Center proved was not an economic development plan at all.

I specifically asked the DEM team if there was any economic study, research, or analysis serving as the basis for their program, and the answer was, “no.”

When the larger RhodeMap RI agenda was unanimously rubber-stamped by the Division of Planning commission years ago (including, by the way, the director of the DEM), not one commission member raised his or her hand when asked who had a background or degree in economics. When I inquired if anyone on the DEM working group that put together this program actually had a background in economics, the answer was once again was, “no.”

Given this lack of relevant inquiry, the Center would like to raise a few legitimate economic concerns about potential unintended consequences of the DEM’s farmland acquisition scheme:

  • According to state law and a September 6, 2016, Providence Journal article, as well as the language of proposed DEM rules, the state will buy farmland at market value and resell it at deeply discounted prices. Necessarily, it seems, the program will incur a transactional loss by the government, with the tab of course being picked up by other RI families and businesses. For how long and for how much hard-earned money can taxpayers be expected to absorb this kind of financial hit? Like all sustainable development schemes, this farmland acquisition plan is not economically scalable or sustainable.
  • Also we ask, by what economic rationale does the state claim that it is in the best overall interests of Rhode Islanders for certain levels of farmland to be maintained? We believe that such determinations must be market based and determined by the owners of the land. But even those who believe that government experts can make decisions at least as well as the market can should be concerned that there has apparently been zero economic analysis of this program. That is not wise policy; it is arbitrary government fiat. Who’s to say that a specific parcel of land might not be developed more profitably than for farming? If some other legitimate business venture for that land might produce two or three times more jobs and more taxable economic activity and profits, why is this not better for the public good, or for the farmers themselves? Perhaps other land in another part of a town or the state would be better suited for farming than where it is currently conducted or zoned. Government restrictions and mandates preventing the mechanisms of the market from settling such questions have dragged down the Rhode Island economy. In America, is it not the right and responsibility of land owners to seek the most productive and profitable use of their land and property?
  • Similarly, if farming can be profitably conducted in our state, then the free-market itself would adjust, with more land naturally partitioned for and converted into farmland to meet that demand — without the need for heavy-handed, centralized government planning. If, however, RI farmers cannot effectively compete with larger regional or national producers, then government mandates that force unsustainable farming can only lead to economic degradation, creating calls for more taxpayer subsidies. A basic lesson of economics is that when supply exceeds demand, prices drop. If they drop too far based on government meddling, farms could go out of business.
  • The unintended consequence of this intrusive government program could be to reduce the value of other farmers’ land. When the government maintains excessive supplies of farmland (beyond demand levels) — or sells farmland at artificially reduced prices — again, it is basic supply-and-demand economics that such interference in the market could cause other farmland to be reduced in value. Even farmers in Rhode Island who are not part of this DEM program may be forced to absorb this land value hit! One of the more stunning comments from the DEM team in response to concerns that land values could decrease — a response that drew an audibly negative response from the crowd — was that the “state would control the value of the land it acquired.” Similar government rent-control attempts have led to destructive interference in markets wherever they’ve been tried. Again, as one farmer inquired, by what qualifications can the DEM be trusted to engage in such economically risky activity?
  • Similarly, selling some farmland at below-market prices to some farmers will also create an unfair playing field and disrupt productive free-market competition. With an artificially low cost of entry into the agricultural industry, farmers who buy land cheaply from the government will have an unfair advantage over other farmers who have been forced to deal with the higher costs of doing business over the years. This kind of market disruption can also lead to adverse consequences for established farmers who are not even part of the program.

Why do we continually do this to ourselves? This type of intrusion of government centralized planning into the private sector is why the Ocean State has the 50th ranked business climate, why we rank 48th on the Family Prosperity Index, and why we rank 47th on the Jobs & Opportunity Index.


WIN-WIN Solutions

If our government truly wants to preserve farmland and encourage agricultural farming, rather than compounding risky interference, officials should consider freeing up the industry (and the economy more broadly) instead of putting further restrictions on it. It should consider broad-based, free-market reforms that will help all farmers be more profitable and more likely to pass down, and maybe even expand, their farming businesses. Reforms like:

  • Elimination of the estate tax (recent reforms have not gone far enough) so that succession planning will not be so costly and destructive to farmers
  • Repeal or reduction of the sales tax to reduce the cost of doing business and to increase consumer power by leaving more money in Rhode Islanders’ pockets
  • Rolling-back mandates and other regulations that specifically affect farmers and farming, such as certain wetlands restrictions and potential chicken-coup dimension mandates

Some of the farmers at the meeting also offered an interesting idea. The state could put into play public and land-trust lands. Instead of preserving farmland levels by the state’s acquiring and redistributing new property, why not authorize the state to release and sell for private use some of the public land it owns and petition private land trusts to similarly make available lands they own and on which they currently do not allow development of any kind.

Loss for Farmers and RI

There are alternatives to meet the stated goals of the acquisition program. However, the program’s designers apparently have little regard for the failed global history of government control over the means of production. They apparently also believe that, magically, this particular plan can defy the basic laws of economics. Rhode Islanders and Rhode Island farmers live in the real world, not in some utopian land where make believe economics prevail.

This glaring disconnect raises the suspicion that this program is not about good economics and a true concern for Rhode Island farmers. Indeed, the intervention of the Commerce Corporation, demanding that purchasing farmers comply with the RhodeMap RI–inspired state guide plan, is evidence that this land-grab scheme is about politics and advancing a federal sustainable development agenda, in which the government increasingly controls the rights to more and more land.

Even if the Department of Environment Management follows through with its promise — made at the meeting — to amend its proposed rules so as to remove the “state guide plan” requirement from this program, the public cannot have confidence that the promise will have any effect.  After all, Speaker of the House Nicholas Mattiello promised that RhodeMap RI would “sit on the shelf.” The insidious nature of creeping government means that the only real protection is explicit laws against infringements on the people’s rights or, better yet, no laws enabling government agencies to begin such programs in the first place.

Property owners’ right to do with their own land as they wish, their right to keep or sell it at their sole option, and their right to realize full economic value for the fruits of their labor are clearly at risk. RhodeMap-style impositions aside, farmers can have no confidence that the farmland acquisition scheme will remain a purely voluntary program. What does it mean, for instance, when the language of the DEM’s proposal states that the agency “will purchase farmland in danger of converting to non-agricultural use”? What if the land is planned to be converted and the property owner does not volunteer to sell it to the state?

Rhode Island law currently states that eminent domain can be used to confiscated land from one private party and give it to another private party if that transfer complies with a local (comprehensive) plan. In a chilling echo, the very rules proposed by the DEM state that the contemplated government reselling of farmland must meet local comprehensive planning.

When pressed at the meeting, DEM staff promised — in writing — to amend the rules so as not to authorize eminent domain or condemnation powers to be used for this program. Again, however, in the absence of regulations or (preferably) statutory language explicitly forbidding the use of eminent domain, it isn’t clear that new authorization is even necessary. Moreover, eminent domain isn’t the only mechanism for making sale of farmland to the state compulsory, in effect if not in law.

For example, a 2010 “FarmRI 2.0” document — an obvious forerunner to this proposal — contemplates language placed in easements that would give conservationists a right of first refusal at the agricultural value of land. In other words, farmers seeking to sell their land wouldn’t be able to sell to the highest bidder if a “conservation organization” wants it at a steep discount.

But even if the government itself does not exercise eminent domain powers or otherwise compel landowners to sell, recent history has shown that the courts may so. Once laws and agency rules are established, a growing trend finds that third-party lawsuits can force local governments and private property owners to comply with local plans or federal mandates by giving up their property in order to meet the government’s sustainable development agenda. Look no further than the Supreme Court’s Kelo v. New London decision and the experiences of Darien, Connecticut, and Westchester, New York, for prime examples.

This farmland acquisition scheme and these associated rules put Rhode Island on a slippery slope and create a government program ripe for abuse, fraud, and cronyism. The only adequate solution is to halt the encroachment of the government upon the private sector and the federal and state governments’ encroachment upon local authority.

At the state level, we know that the Brookings Institution plan for our state, called RI Innovates, also recommends that the state acquire an inventory of “pad ready” land for use for so-called investment in “advanced industries.”  This is the context in which new programs must be reviewed: an aggressive government, with key decisions made by unaccountable boards and quasi-publics, seeking out new pretenses to take over land and usurp the rights of individuals. Where does it end? Rhode Islanders should fear that the U.S.S.R. and Venezuela answer that question in the long run.

In conclusion, Rhode Islanders do not want their lives managed by a centralized government plan, whose authors and executors think they know what’s in our best interests. This state-run farmland acquisition program will lead to economic decline, infringe on the rights of property owners and the sovereignty of local governments, and advance a federal and international agenda that was not designed with the best interests of Rhode Island families and farmers in mind.

Walkers in the General Assembly

See responses from General Assembly lawmakers here …

Ken Block, Chairman of

Did you ever wonder how many votes your state senator and representative missed this past year?

I never gave it much thought until the last day of the 2016 Rhode Island legislative session, when the last votes were being cast as the sun was rising after an all-night spasm of deal making and lawmaking. Punch drunk representatives staggered home after casting a mind-boggling 209 votes in less than 48 hours, while our senators cast 141 votes.

WatchdogRI and the Rhode Island Center for Freedom and Prosperity teamed up to analyze the voting records of every incumbent legislator for legislative years 2014, 2015, and 2016. The Center provided raw data in electronic form from their data provider LegiNation Inc., and WatchdogRI performed the data analytics.

After discarding resolutions and marriage solemnizations, we were left with 615 votes in the House and 532 votes in the Senate for 2016.

In the House, the top 10 legislators with the most missed votes were:

  • Thomas Palangio (D, Providence): 536
  • John Carnevale (D, Providence): 356
  • Arthur Corvese (D, North Providence): 263
  • Jared Nunes (D, Coventry/West Warwick): 221
  • Joseph Trillo (R, Warwick): 209
  • John Lombardi (D, Providence): 202
  • Robert Jacquard (D, Cranston): 157
  • Edith Ajello (D, Providence): 142
  • Nicholas Mattiello (D, Cranston): 126
  • Dan Reilly (R, Portsmouth/Middletown): 105

For the Senate, the top 10 legislators with the most missed votes were:

  • Frank Lombardi (D, Cranston): 138
  • Donna Nesselbush (D, Pawtucket/North Providence): 130
  • Edward O’Neill (R, Lincoln/North
    Providence): 118
  • Frank Lombardo (D, Johnston): 115
  • Leonidas Raptakis (D, East Greenwich/West Greenwich/Coventry): 107
  • Nicholas Kettle (R, Coventry/Foster/
    Scituate/West Greenwich): 92
  • James Doyle (D, Pawtucket): 91
  • Elizabeth Crowley (D, Central Falls/
    Pawtucket): 89
  • Joshua Miller (D, Providence/Cranston): 77
  • William Walaska (D, Warwick): 77

Representatives Robert Phillips (D, Cumberland/Woonsocket) and Raymond Johnston (D, Pawtucket) each missed only one vote, joining 23 other representatives who missed fewer than
10 votes.

Senator John Pagliarini (R, Bristol/Portsmouth/Tiverton) did not miss a single vote, joining 15 other senators who missed fewer than 10 votes.

Every representative who understandably decided to go home after midnight on June 18 missed 43 votes or 7% of all votes held for the year. A representative who had a family emergency the last two days of the session would have missed 34% of all votes held for the year.

We all know that the human mind works best well rested, yet 7% of all votes held in the House this year were held after 1:00 a.m. on the last day of the session. Those bills contained 234 pages of legalese. I wonder how many legislators read those pages while most of us were fast asleep?

The practice of pushing most important votes to the end of the legislative session can leave entire legislative districts with no representation. Would you vote for a legislator if you knew he or she would not vote on more than a third of the bills voted upon by the General Assembly in a year? The rules of operation of our General Assembly make it possible for any legislator to miss that many votes if any personal crisis comes up in the tiny 48-hour end-of-session window.

In the seven years that I spent advocating to eliminate the master lever, legislative leadership was fond of explaining away the 50 years it took to get the job done as part of the slow and deliberative legislative process. There is nothing slow or deliberative about the final 48-hour frenzy of last minute bills, amendments, and votes.

Nothing mandates that our legislature operate in such a circus-like manner. Simply passing 10 bills a week over the six-month session would eliminate the end-of-session blitz. Transparency would be increased and legislators would theoretically be better informed about the bills they were voting upon.

The legislature should consider a 25-bill weekly limit (not including resolutions and marriage solemnizations). As a deliberative body, no floor votes should occur after 9:30 p.m. — ever.

Rhode Island needs leaders who are dedicated to changing our political culture. Will we get the leadership we need, or will we be perpetually left with an annual legislative hangover?


Click here to see responses from lawmakers who claim there were extenuating personal circumstances that caused their missed votes. 


RHODEMAP-RI DEM FORUM TONIGHT: ‘Make Believe’ Economics Behind State’s Farmland Acquisition Scheme

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 7, 2016
State Farmland-Grab Program Lacks Economic Basis

Could lead to reduced farmland values across the state

Providence, RI — The RI Center for Freedom & Prosperity will officially object the RI DEM proposed rules – that will allow the government’s environmental agency to acquire private farmland and resell it at a loss to others who will obey the state’s agenda – when its CEO speaks tonight at a public comment forum at the URI Graduate School of Oceanography.

With multiple concerns about property rights and local governmental sovereignty being infringed upon by this state program that was designed to advance a federal agenda, the Center’s comments, to be delivered by Mike Stenhouse, will focus on the economic non-sustainability of the proposed program, at the 5:30pm DEM meeting.

With government increasingly influencing and controlling the means of production through myriad tax-credit, loan, and direct subsidy schemes in a multitude of industries, this DEM farmland acquisition scheme, which will actually acquire and resell private property, is not based on any legitimate economic analysis – or any economic consideration at all – that the Center is aware of. Despite the fact that the state’s own Commerce Corporate demanded a ‘RhodeMapRI’ mandate be inserted into the DEM plan, no economic justification was provided.

“If the state of Rhode Island is truly concerned about preserving farmland and agricultural farming, it should develop policies that will make it easier and more profitable for every farmer by reducing excessive taxation and regulatory mandates,” suggested Stenhouse. “There are free-market alternatives that should be considered, as opposed to this obvious lurch towards centralized-planning and further government intervention in the private sector.”

Stenhouse, who earned an Economics degree from Harvard University, will make a number of economic observations as objections to a plan that he will say is based on ‘make believe economics’ and that could lead to adverse consequences for the state’s farmers and taxpayers.

The Center will release a more complete version of its economic analysis tomorrow, following the meeting.


10 Multi-partisan Policy Principles to Improve on RI’s 48th Ranking in Family Prosperity

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 6, 2016
Multi-partisan Policy Recommendations to Improve Family Prosperity and Upward Mobility

Offers public policy ideas for 2016 State candidates to consider

Providence, RI — With statewide elections in just two months, voters must consider whether a turnover in elected officials is necessary to to see a turnover in public policies that may actually improve their families’ prosperity.

Ranking just 48th on the national Family Prosperity Index (FPI) published earlier this year, the broadest available measure of family well-being, the RI Center for Freedom & Prosperity (Center) today published a summary of the state’s rankings in dozens of FPI categories along with a set of policy principles that lawmakers are encouraged to consider.

“What if we were to realize that the status quo public policy approach, as well-intended as it may be, in reality, has had the unintended consequence of reducing the overall prosperity of our Rhode Island families,” suggested Mike Stenhouse, the Center’s CEO.”The FPI research clearly demonstrates that cultural, social, and demographic factors must also be considered, in addition to economic factors, when formulating effective public policy.”

The Center maintains that a new public policy approach – an approach that considers the whole person, not just his/her material needs – and that takes the best ideas from across the political spectrum – is required to improve the lives of Ocean State families and individual taxpayers.

The two page policy brief provides a color coded summary of the Ocean State’s rankings. As part of its 48th place ranking among all states, Rhode Island: ranked in the bottom-third in 5 of the 6 major categories, and 18 of the 30 sub-categories; ranked in the middle-third in 1 of 6 major categories and 8 sub-categories; and in the top-third in zero major categories and just 4 sub-categories. The state’s worst rankings are in the major category of Family Demographics, where it ranks red in all 5 sub-categories.

To directly address these problems the Center has developed 10 guiding policy principles that candidates should debate this fall and that lawmakers should consider in the 2017 session. “The solution for our families is not about corporate welfare to targeted ‘advanced industries,’ but rather broad-based policies that enhance opportunity for every family and business,” continued Stenhouse.

In this regard, the Center’s ten policy principles include ideas from the playbooks of both the right and the left. “A new spirit of across-the-aisle and civic cooperation is required if our state government is to effectively serve its constituents. Additionally, community, religious and business leaders also have a very important role to play as public policy cannot address many of the problems Rhode Island must overcome if our families are to improve their chances of upward mobility,” concluded Stenhouse.

Jobs & Opportunity Index (JOI), July 2016: Ocean State Up a Step (For Now)

The notable development with the July Jobs & Opportunity Index (JOI) is that Rhode Island edged past New York to claim the rank of 47 out of 50 states in the nation. Eight of 13 datapoints were new this month. The Ocean State even managed to narrow its gap with the New England and U.S. averages slightly. Although, the state remained in last place in the region by a significant margin.

All updated metrics improved for Rhode Island. Employment was up 1,428 from the previously recorded number, labor force up 1,721, and RI-based jobs up 2,500. (Note that employment numbers are subject to heavy revision.) Medicaid enrollment decreased by 2,129, while TANF decreased by 805. Also updated, this month, were the alternative measures of unemployment calculated by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, now covering the second quarter of 2016. Long-term unemployment was down 1,200, marginally attached Rhode Islanders down 700, and people involuntarily part-time employed (rather than full time) decreased 2,400.

The first chart shows the six New England states in the national race. Rhode Island was the only state to see an increase in actual overall JOI score, although New Hampshire did advance to 3rd place in the country, as North Dakota slipped. Connecticut fell three spaces, to 36th, but Maine, Vermont, and Massachusetts held their spots at 17th, 19th, and 37th, respectively.


The second chart shows the gap between Rhode Island and New England and the United States. By contrast, Rhode Island’s gap increased on unemployment rate, holding steady while the New England and U.S. rates dropped a little (third chart).



Results for the three underlying JOI factors were:

  • Job Outlook Factor (measuring optimism that adequate work is available): RI moved forward five slots to 38th place.
  • Freedom Factor (measuring the level of work against reliance on welfare programs): RI remained at 39th.
  • Prosperity Factor (measuring the financial motivation of income versus taxes): RI still ranks 46th, with no data points updated.
38 Studios Banner2

Scorecard of Lawmakers’ 38 Studios Voting Record Since 2010

Despite johnny-come-lately calls from many lawmakers for the release of documents from the government’s 38 Studios Investigation, 81 of the 113 sitting General Assembly lawmakers graded an “F” on their related voting records. This according to a special edition 38 Studios Legislator Scorecard published today by the  nonpartisan RI Center for Freedom & Prosperity, which documented and scored legislative votes on 15 related bills, amendments, and budgets since 2010.

“The public is outraged that there has been zero accountability on this issue,” said Mike Stenhouse, CEO for the Center. “Where the state government has failed to provide any transparency by releasing the 38 Studios documents, our Center is offering its own version of transparency by publishing this scorecard.”

While most 38 Studios votes have occurred in the House, and while many lawmakers have not served long enough to vote on all related bills over the 7-session period, each of the 178 Representatives and Senators who made a 38 Studios specific vote or who voted on a budget that included a 38 Studios bond payment was rated on the scorecard.

THE 19 WORST: With an opportunity to score between (-29) and +29, the worst pro 38 Studios/anti-taxpayer offenders among those with maximum opportunity to vote on such bills, were Representatives Corvese, DeSimone, Diaz, Edwards, Fellela, Handy, Jacquard, Kennedy, Malik, Mattiello, McNamara, Melo, Naughton, Ruggiero, Serpa, Slater, Ucci, Williams, and Winfield – each of whom graded an “F” and scored a negative (-25) or (-24).

THE 3 BEST: With a similar opportunity to score between (-26) and +26, the best anti 38 Studios/pro taxpayer advocates were Representatives Chippendale, Giarusso, and Morgan – each of whom graded an “A+” and scored a positive +24.

Overall, of the 178 lawmakers, 132 graded an F, 10 a D, 8 a C, 6 a B, and 14 an A. Five Senators did register a score, but did not receive a letter grade, because they took no specific 38 Studio related vote, even if they voted on one or more related state budgets or were absent for the initial loan guarantee program vote. Similarly, three 2010 Representatives did not receive a grade, as their only score was based on a single bill that they were not present to vote on.

“Many people might consider it extremely hypocritical for any lawmaker who rated an F or D on this scorecard for their past record to now jump on the band-wagon by calling for the Attorney General or Governor to release the documents,” suggested Stenhouse. “As we approach the November elections, we’re providing voters with the voting records of their elected officials so they can decide whether or not to hold them accountable.”

The full 38 Studios scorecard for all lawmwakers, the scoring and grading methodology, a description of the bills in question, and the bill-by-bill voting record can be reviewed by clicking here.